7:23 - 8:08 pm - National Security Council Meeting
April 28, 1975
View:
Contextual Information
This is an excerpt from Gerald R. Ford, A
Time To Heal: The Autobiography of Gerald R. Ford, New York:
Harper & Row Publishers, 1979, page 256:
The final siege of Saigon began on April 25. Kissinger was on
the telephone to U.S. Ambassador Graham Martin several times a
day, and his reports convinced me that the country was going to
collapse momentarily. In the late afternoon of April 28, I was
chairing a meeting of my economic and energy advisers in the Cabinet
Room when Brent Scowcroft entered and handed me a note. A message
had just come in to the Situation Room downstairs. Our Air Force,
it said, had been forced to halt evacuation flights from Saigon
because Communist rockets and artillery shells were blasting the
runways at Tan Son Nhut. A C-130 transport plane had been destroyed
and several U.S. Marines killed. Nearly a thousand Americans still
remained in Saigon, and we had to carry out our plans to evacuate
them.
Leaving the Cabinet Room, I stepped into the Oval Office and discussed
the crisis with Kissinger and Rockefeller. Then I convened a meeting
of the NSC in the Roosevelt Room. It was 7:30 P.M. in Washington,
almost dawn in Saigon.
Photographs
Please
click on images to enlarge them

A4234-11A.
President Ford presides over a meeting of the National
Security Council on the situation on Vietnam. April 28,
1975. (clockwise, left to right) William Colby, Director,
CIA; Robert S. Ingersoll, Deputy Secretary of State; Henry
Kissinger; GRF, James Schlesinger, Defense Secretary; William
Clements, Deputy Secretary of Defense; Vice President Rockefeller;
and General George S. Brown, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff. |

A4238-4A.
President Ford presides over an evening meeting of the
National Security Council to discuss the evacuation of
Saigon. April 28, 1975. (clockwise, l-r: Robert S. Ingersoll,
Deputy Secretary of State; Henry Kissinger; President Ford;
James Schlesinger, Defense Secretary; and General George
S. Brown, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Not shown:
William Colby, Director, CIA; William Clements, Deputy
Secretary of Defense; and Vice President Nelson Rockefeller.) |

A4238-15A.
Vice President Nelson A. Rockefeller and General George
S. Brown, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, attend
an evening meeting of the National Security Council to
discuss the evacuation of Saigon. April 28, 1975. |

A4238-26A.
Vice President Nelson A. Rockefeller listens intently to
the discussion of the evacuation of Saigon during an evening
meeting of the National Security Council. April 28, 1975. |

A4238-30A.
President Ford, smoking a pipe, looks thoughtful at an
evening meeting of the National Security Council. April
28, 1975. |
Documents

Selected pages from an April 28th, 1975, cable from Graham
Martin, United States Ambassador to South Vietnam, to Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger
|
The
text of the cable:
** DECLASSIFIED **
SECRET/SENSITIVE 28 12:15 APRIL
1975 VIA MARTIN CHANNEL
SAIGON 0757 IMMEDIATE
DELIVER IMMEDIATELY
APRIL 28, 1975
TO: HENRY A. KISSINGER
FROM: AMBASSADOR GRAHAM MARTIN
REF: WH 50768
- It seems to
me your views in reftel again assure the "worst
case" development, and the time frame is far more
rapid than one should expect in Asia.
- I still think
they will opt to follow the scenario (their interpretation,
of course) laid down in the Paris Agreements. There is
a curious compulsion to prove they have fully intended
to comply all along.
- Minh and Vu
Van Mau who will be his Prime Minister and Foreign Minister
are thinking of quickly recognizing the "PRG" as
a legitimate government. If this occurs, we will have
the reality of three Viet-Nams - DRV, PRG, RVN.
- The immediate
task is the negotiation of a "cease-fire".
This will cause enormous pressure to do away with the
American military presence, and to emasculate the RVNAF
into an ineffective force. Minh seems to recognize that
both are bargaining chips, at least the speed with which
he agrees to do this may become so. Both these are being
rapidly accomplished, the first by our rapid drawdown,
the second by the lack of prospect for future military
aid, and the rapid departure of many senior officers.
Today, Hanoi's domestic service in Vietnamese said that:
QUOTE Yesterday, 27 April, the U. S. Defense Attache
Office in Saigon announced that it would close in 36
hours, putting an end to the system of U. S. military
advisers which has lasted for as long as 25 years in
South Viet-Nam. UNQUOTE
- After the cease-fire
and area delimitation can come the formation of the NCNRC.
My guess is that it will take at least three months to
get to this point. My further guess is that it will not
necessarily be a "two/thirds communist". I
would expect more a 60-40 lineup in some months with
the 40 percent or even less on the communist side. They
are simply not in that much of a hurry.
- The first concentration
is going to be on formation of local administrations
that can begin to get the countryside under control.
After all this is accomplished - a year or more - they
may begin to tighten the screws on the administration
of Saigon. Even here, I would judge, they will wish to
show a gentle face for a while.
- Now all this
provides time. The new administration will be counting
on us, I think, to help them buy a little more time.
The withdrawal of our presence in an immediate or precipitate
way would almost certainly finally pull out the rug.
- Where does the
U. S. interest lie? My own emotional inclination is to
close down. But I don't really think that course will
really serve U. S. national interests as well as playing
it cool for a while longer. While this is not true, it
saves face for Hanoi and permits them to permit a more
slow liquidation by announcing it has already taken place.
- Phong, the GVN
negotiator in Paris, said today he had received by telex
from Paris the following four conditions from the PRG:
- The GVN
must be entirely of new composition. There must be
no holdovers.
- Policy of
new government must be one of reconciliation and concord.
- All American
military personnel, or those camouflaged as military
personnel, must be removed from country.
- All "political
prisoners" must be released and civil liberties
restored.
- The first two
and the fourth are easy. We are helping them achieve
the third before it can be a bargaining lever.
- So there should
be little ban to commencement of serious negotiations.
The French apparently agree with you that Paris is the
preferred spot. The first item after the cease-fire may
well be delimitation of areas. It would not surprise
me to see a Nha Trang-Dalat-Tay Ninh line, although they
may well be more harsh in their terms.
- One important
point to remember is that the way the transition was
managed leaves us no sticky problem of recognition. There
has been only a change in the Chief of State. We have
no more technical, legal problem than when Huong succeeded
Thieu. Even Nhan Dan this morning referred to Minh as
President of the Republic of Viet-Nam.
- Minh has sent
word this morning that he does not intend to interfere
with the current pace of our evacuation for a while.
At five o'clock he made a very simple speech of acceptance
of the powers of the Presidency. There were no anti-American
overtones and twice the Paris Agreements were invoked
providing the frame for "political solution" and
for the spirit of reconciliation. Obviously, this airlift
cannot go on forever. It is still illegal for any Vietnamese
citizen to leave without official government permission.
Yet we keep rubbing their noses in it a hundred times
a day by comments made in Washington. I think we can
simmer it down after a while and keep the airlift running
for quite a while.
- While we
still have a functioning Republic of Viet-Nam, and
will for quite a while, I think, I see no U. S. policy
interests to be served in either leaving in pique or
trying to create condi- tions that would force our
departure.
- If we do
so, then there would seem to be some semblance to the
oft repeated distortion that we were only interested
in supporting Thieu, and that, as soon as he left,
we said the hell with the people of Viet-Nam.
- We should provide
a modicum of relief and rehabilitation, not to the new
government, but because the people of Viet-Nam need it
just now.
- As of now, we
have 825 people assigned to the Mission. Of these 478
are in wholly security, air transport, communications,
and functions, leaving only about 349 to carry on the
substantive work of the Mission. To carry a minimum relief
effort, and satisfy the GAO that the liquidation of previous
programs was properly done, and a modicum of reporting,
we cannot do with any and no less at all as long as the
airlift continues.
- There isn't
much in here that I haven't said before. You see, I don't
give you anything but a considered judgement in the first
place.
- You can take
this advice or that of your WSAG colleagues who have
not, it seems to me, crystal balls of the first quality.
Neither do I but I do think about the questions you raise
and I don't get spooked by SAM 2s, definitely identified,
which turned out to be trucks loaded with logs.
- Warm regards.
MARTIN
SECRET/SENSITIVE
** DECLASSIFIED
February 11, 1994 **
|
|